State Representative, 25th District
22 June 2010
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
Courtesy of Casey Family Programs, I recently spent a day in Washington, D.C. The event brought together child welfare representatives from 12 states for meetings with Congressional staffers and high-ranking officials in the Department of Health and Human Services. The focus was on reform of the federal program that helps fund family preservation and foster care services.
I was pleased to join Erwin McEwen, our highly regarded Director of the Department of Children and Family Services, in representing Illinois. And I was delighted that the new Commissioner of the Administration for Children, Youth and Families in the Department of Health and Human Services is his predecessor, Bryan Samuels.
Casey Family Programs, a close relative of the Annie E. Casey Foundation, is dedicated to improving outcomes for children at risk of abuse and neglect. It works to increase the number of children who can safely stay at home; when that isn’t possible, the Casey commitment encourages states to find permanent alternatives for our young.
The last 15 years have seen a sea change in the national landscape for vulnerable youngsters. In 1997, for example, there were 52,000 Illinois infants, children and adolescents in the care of the state’s Department of Family Services. Today the number is 15,500. Casey Family Programs hopes to reduce the numbers even further: the goal is a 50 percent reduction by 2020.
Why have things changed? Today child welfare services are focused on addressing the needs of families before children have to come into care. At the time when Illinois saw 52,000 children in care, we witnessed the occasional high-profile case in which a parent killed or seriously endangered a child, which meant that preventing physical harm to children had to be the agency’s urgent focus. In those days, child welfare dollars were rarely spent on prevention. But research into brain and child development makes clear that children who can safely stay with their families are happier, better adjusted and more successful in the long run than children who can’t. Of course the key word is ‘safely’, and that word has encouraged the child welfare system to focus on the supports families need in order to provide that safe environment.
It doesn’t always work. And here too Casey Family Programs has a prescription. Children who are bounced from one foster placement to the next do not fare well. In fact, the director of one state agency said the government itself commits child abuse when a child faces eight, ten or 15 foster placements before aging out of the system. The answer? Focus on adoptions and permanent guardianships.
We met in Washington to encourage the federal government to change the way it helps states fund services for at-risk kids. A major problem is that eligibility for funding is based on income eligibility under the old Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program. But as AFDC was repealed in 1997, the income limits haven’t changed even though the cost of living has. And the states Casey brought together would like more flexibility in spending federal dollars. The government has granted a limited number of waivers. All the states at our conference have improved outcomes for at-risk youth, but the waiver states find it easier to carve out new and responsive routes to meet that goal.
I know our messages fell upon open ears. I’m hopeful that those who were listening will be able to spread that word to the rest of the federal government.
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23 June 2010
On Tuesday, June 29 I will host an informational town hall meeting with Rep. Will Burns and Sen. Kwame Raoul. We want to spread the word about the Urban Weatherization Initiative Act, a $425 million federal program aimed at providing jobs, technical training and improved energy efficiency. The meeting is set for 6:00 p.m. at Kenwood Academy High School, 5015 S. Blackstone Ave.
Experts from the Illinois Department of Commerce and Economic Opportunity (DCEO) will be on hand to explain the program and answer questions. The Act is intended to increase skills for the under/unemployed, to improve residential energy efficiency and thus lower home heating and cooling costs, and to create jobs.
The implementation of this initiative could be a boon to our local economy. It also offers a practical way for individuals to address global warming. Private, public and not-for-profit groups will team up with community-based organizations to train and employ people to provide weatherization services. Our neighbors will not only reap the benefits of training and employment, but will also be eligible for weatherization projects in their homes and apartments that will cost them little or nothing.
My hope is that the program will stimulate the economy by hiring local residents and using local suppliers and distributors of weatherization equipment. Targeted buildings are owner-occupied single-family homes and multifamily apartment buildings of six units or less in census tracts with high rates of unemployment, underemployment and poverty.
Qualifying weatherization activities include repair and replacement of inefficient water heaters, furnaces and air conditioners as well as weather stripping, caulking, window and door replacement, and pipe and duct insulation.
The Act provides that weatherization costs of up to $6,500 can be spent for an individual housing unit. And these dollars can be combined with the existing Illinois Home Weatherization Program (IHWAP) for a total potential unit benefit of $13,000.
I hope to see you next Tuesday, June 29 at Kenwood Academy. If you have questions, you can reply directly to this e-mail or call my District Service Office at 773-667-0550.
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As the current school year winds to an end, many students are preparing to embark on their first year of college. Inevitably, part of that planning is figuring out how to pay. Below are a few resources I'm happy to share.
If you have questions about these or other programs, please give my office a call at 773-667-0550 or send an e-mail to RepCurrie@sbcglobal.net.
Illinois Student Assistance Commission
In 1957, state lawmakers created the Illinois Student Assistance Commission (ISAC) to help make sure that financial considerations don't prevent Illinois students from realizing their postsecondary educational goals. ISAC's mission is to make college accessible and affordable for all Illinois students. It's by far the largest provider of financial aid in the state.
ISAC is a one-stop financial aid center, offering a comprehensive array of programs and services. At every stage of the financial aid process, ISAC is there, acting as a centralized source of information and guidance. ISAC administers most of the key state and federal grant, scholarship, loan and prepaid tuition programs available to postsecondary students. It annually awards close to $750,000,000 to nearly 250,000 qualified applicants.
As a one-stop center, ISAC tries not only to broaden access to postsecondary education, but to simplify the process of reaching that goal as well. Visit www.CollegeZone.com to learn more about how ISAC can assist you.
Conference of Women Legislators Scholarship
The Conference of Women Legislators (COWL), a bipartisan coalition of women legislators in the Illinois General Assembly, awards a limited number of scholarships as part of its mission to promote economic independence, community service and leadership development. The scholarship program is geared to ward mature women who want to earn a college degree. Each grant is $2,500.
Scholarship applicants are required to enroll in an Illinois accredited college or university for a minimum of seven credit hours to qualify, which means the scholarships are available to part-time as well as full-time students. In addition to academic achievement, the scholarship committee also considers the applicant's commitment to community service. Applications must be postmarked by April 09, 2010. Awardees will be notified of the decisions by May 7, 2010. Scholarship applications may be downloaded from the COWL website at www.cowlil.com.
General Assembly Scholarship
Although the House has voted to eliminate General Assembly tuition waivers, it isn't clear whether the Senate will follow suit. Should they not, I will continue to make the waivers available for people who live in the 25th Representative District and plan to attend or are currently attending an Illinois state university.
A total of eight one-year tuition waivers are awarded annually. Renewal is not guaranteed, but successful applicants are welcome to re-apply. Applications must be received in the District Service Office by June 15.
Applications are reviewed by the 25th District Scholarship Committee. The Scholarship Committee has established a set of criteria on which to grant the awards. These criteria are included in the General Assembly Scholarship Packet.
Click here to download the General Assembly Scholarship Packet.
Good luck with your college plans!
Voter's Guide
Mid-term primary elections are nearly here, with some important dates approaching quickly. I write to share these dates with you along with important information about voting this year. If you have any questions, please call our District Service Office at 773.667.0550. Or drop by 1303 E. 53rd St. You can also send an email to repcurrie@sbcglobal.net. We're happy to help in any way we can.
Voter Registration
January 5, 2010 is the deadline to register to vote to be eligible to cast a ballot in the February 2, 2010 Primary Election.
If you're not sure whether you're registered to vote, you can check the status of your registration by clicking here.
In Chicago, voters may register:
Early Voting
Early voting for the 2010 Primary Election will be offered Jan. 11 through Jan. 28, 2010. To vote early, just bring a government-issued photo ID card.
Chicago voters may vote at any of the city's 51 sites, regardless of where they live. Hours for all sites are 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., Monday through Saturday, including Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Day on Jan. 18.
You can vote early downtown at the Board of Elections, 69 W. Washington St., Lower Level Conference Room. This location is also open on Sundays from 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m.
Here's a list of early voting sites in and around the 25th District:
Grace Period Voting
Grace period voting is a safety net offered to those who failed to register by the January 5th deadline.
A grace period voter must register and vote at the same time in person at the Election Board offices at 69 W. Washington St. on the Sixth Floor. Grace period registration and voting will be offered Jan. 6 thru Jan. 26, 2010.
Absentee Voting
Voters are allowed to cast their ballots before Election Day either in person at an early voting site or by mail through absentee voting.
All persons registered to vote in Chicago are eligible to cast absentee ballots. The voter must file a completed and signed request for an absentee ballot by the legal deadline:
To download the absentee ballot application, click here.
Under a new law, voters in Illinois don't need to offer a reason to vote absentee.
In addition, the following unregistered voters are eligible to vote by absentee ballot:
If you're planning on voting absentee, be sure to apply early to make sure your application arrives in time.
Happy New Year -- and happy voting!
18 December 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
The federal courts recently ended oversight of the Chicago Public School system's progress in racial and ethnic integration of the student body. Under the federal decree, CPS was required to guarantee specific racial and ethnic enrollment goals for magnet and selective enrollment schools. Two years ago a United States Supreme Court decision cast doubt on the ability of a school system, absent federal court intervention, to take race into account in individual cases.
The CPS response for the next academic year is to ignore race entirely in its admission policies for these schools. It will instead rely solely on socio-economic status (SES). The SES standard will not attach to a particular student applicant, but rather reflect the general geography of the student's neighborhood. However, even within a single census tract, let alone an entire neighborhood, great variations in social class are not unusual.
My colleagues state Rep. Will Burns (D-26) and Sen. Kwame Raoul (D-13) and I are sufficiently concerned about the possible loss of minority enrollment in our high-performing magnet and selective enrollment schools that we wrote an open letter to CPS chief Ron Huberman.
We think the Supreme Court decision does not deny a school system the ability to use race at all as a factor in the admissions process. Justice Kennedy's controlling opinion makes clear that while race cannot be used as the sole factor, race can be used in a nuanced way to promote racial and ethnic diversity. As Justice Kennedy wrote, "the decision today should not prevent school districts from continuing the important work of bringing together students of different racial, ethnic and economic backgrounds."
The Louisville school system took Kennedy's words to heart and continues to use race as one factor in the admissions process. We suggest CPS embrace this approach rather than relying solely on SES.
Racial diversity dropped significantly in the San Franciso, Charlotte and Cambridge public schools when student assignment plans were based solely on SES.
Ours is a diverse city. To ensure our continued viability and vibrancy we must continue our commitment to inclusion and equal opportunity. Without using race as a factor, we fear that our magnet and selective enrollment schools will no longer reflect the diversity that makes our city great.
We hope Mr. Huberman will reconsider his decision. We think he would be on solid ground if he used race as one factor in the admissions policy and we fear that, if he won't, CPS will find itself taking several steps backwards in the struggle to ensure truly equal opportunity to all our children.
I'll let you know Mr. Huberman's response.
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6 November 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
If Governor Quinn signs the bill, Illinois will join 45 other states in limiting the amount of money that can be contributed to election campaigns.
I worked closely with CHANGE Illinois!, (www.changeil.org) a coalition of more than 50 civic, business and labor groups, and with the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform in crafting the final product. My hat is off to both of these reform organizations for their willingness to participate in good-faith negotiations with the Governor, the House and the Senate. While we didn’t get all we wanted, the bill is a significant step along the way to a cleaner and fairer system for funding politics in Illinois.
The limits on giving are reasonable. They vary—individuals can give less than can political action committees, for example—but they apply across the board. All interests, from business to trade to labor, will be limited in their ability to fund candidate campaigns and party organizations. The limits apply in each election cycle. An earlier version instead tied the limits to the calendar year which, arguably, gave incumbents a fund-raising advantage.
The measure gets high marks for its commitment to transparency and accountability.
Today candidates report contributions and spending twice a year. Under the new bill, reports will be quarterly. As well, any contribution of $1,000 or more that a candidate committee receives must be disclosed in a timely fashion.
The State Board of Elections is empowered for the first time to conduct random audits of political committees to make sure they’re following the law. If there’s reason to suspect wrongdoing, the Board can audit for cause. Violators will be subject to strengthened penalties.
The bill limits the amounts of money party committees can contribute to candidates in primary campaigns. The limits depend on the contest. They are higher for statewide candidates, for example, than for county hopefuls. They apply in the aggregate, which means that contributions from ward and township organizations, county parties, caucus and state parties count together toward the limit.
The sticking point was whether or not the limits should also apply to general elections. The Supreme Court has ruled that even if expenditures help a candidate, they can’t be limited if they are not directly coordinated with that campaign. The legislative leaders were concerned that preventing parties from coordinating a response with candidates who are under attack from outside organizations with no funding limits would put them and their nominees at an unfair disadvantage. Think Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, the group whose television ads undercut John Kerry’s 2004 presidential campaign.
The reform advocates will continue to press for general election limits on political party contributions. Primary limits, in the meantime, are not trivial. In 2008, only a few primaries for the General Assembly featured a contest, and in more than half the districts the winner of the primary faced no opposition in the general election. Limits on party leaders might encourage more people to run for public office as limits help level the playing field between challengers and those with party backing.
One of the hallmarks of the campaign reform bill is the creation of a bi-partisan task force that is charged with the responsibility to assess the effects of the reforms, to make further recommendations, and to examine the utility of a voluntary system of public financing for all state offices.
Maybe our last and best answer isn’t limits on party contributions in general elections. Maybe public financing is a surer bet if one’s goal is to take special interest money out of election campaigns.
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28 October 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
The state's Monetary Award Program (MAP) provides tuition assistance to low-income college students. But the state budget as originally approved for the current year provided only half as much funding for these needy students as did last year's budget.
The Governor chose to spend the full amount in the first semester. He decided not to use any portion of an additional $1.2 billion provided to him by the Legislature (to spend as he deemed fit) to make up the difference needed to fully fund MAP for the year.
So what happens to the second, the one that begins in January?
During the fall veto session, the legislature approved an extra appropriation--a little over $200 million--to fill the void. And the Governor signed the bill.
Pats on backs all around?
Well, not quite.
While it's possible the Governor has some discretionary dollars available to fill the bill, he says he needs additional revenues in order to meet this and other everyday budgetary demands.
There still is no appetite for a general tax increase among lawmakers. Some have proposed a tax amnesty as a way to pay for second-semester MAP funding. But even the rosiest of estimates shows that an amnesty would cover less than half the cost. As well, amnesties are more likely to speed up tax collections than bring in a lot of new revenues--taxpayers in disputes with the state Department of Revenue often pay up during an amnesty because that way they can avoid paying interest and penalties. Finally, tax amnesties send taxpayers the wrong message: don't pay today and maybe, by the time you pay up tomorrow, they'll decide to let you off scot-free. Frequent tax amnesties encourage an increase in scofflaw behavior, and our state's last amnesty was only six years ago.
So the legislature and the Governor have committed to full funding for eligible college students next semester. But neither the legislature nor the Governor wins an award for profiles in courage. Springfield has not solved the underlying problem, has not figured out how responsibly to fund the MAP program.
Springfield, facing a second-semester disaster for nearly 140,000 students, reached for nothing more than an aspirin--and a band-aid.
Isn't it time to get serious? The MAP bill will ultimately come due: how do we plan to pay it? Funds for the MAP program are not the only funds that are in short supply in the state budget.
No one looks forward to an increase in the tax bill. But, because of the national recession, Illinois is on the brink of a human services disaster. The fact is that we need new revenues in order to meet our basic responsibilities. Now is precisely the time to invest in human capital--exactly the investment MAP represents. We need to make sure we have people with the training and the skills it takes to help us create good economic opportunities as the recession subsides, opportunities for self-sufficiency and success. The Governor has proposed a small increase in the state income tax. The Governor's is a reasonable approach.
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6 October 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
The budget Governor Quinn signed this summer appropriated a little more than $200 million to the state’s Monetary Award Program (MAP), the program that helps economically needy students pay for a college education. Because of a severe drop in projected revenues, the amount was less than half of last year’s spending.
The Governor chose to spend all the college aid money in the first semester of the academic year. The result? Some 140,000 students, at both public and private colleges, will be left in the lurch when the second semester begins in January.
I’m sure the Governor hoped that the prospect of such a cut would force lawmakers to work with him to find new revenues so as to avert the problem. It’s fair to say that a cut of this magnitude would be not only cruel but, in the long run, economically irresponsible. Aid recipients have no other place to turn if they want to continue their studies—they are, by definition, people who can’t foot the bill without help from the state. MAP grantees are disproportionately members of minority groups. How can we turn back the clock on minority gains in higher education? And, at a time when we worry how our state and country will compete in the global economy, a cut like this would be unconscionable.
The Governor had proposed a small income tax increase to make cuts like this unnecessary. I sponsored the Governor’s bill but, unfortunately, there were not enough votes in the spring and there are not enough votes today to pass the measure: not a single Republican lawmaker in either the House or the Senate has come on board. A different tax hike is also under discussion. The state Senate has passed a measure that would increase the tax on a package of cigarettes by $1 over the next three years. Revenue estimates reach as high as $350 million when the increase is fully implemented. It’s unclear whether there are enough votes in the House today to approve the Senate bill. Republican votes would be needed, and at this stage no GOP member has voiced support.
There may be other ways to fund the MAP program. The legislature will be back in Springfield October 14 for the start of the fall veto session. I will do all I can to make sure these grants are covered next semester. I know this is a priority for many of my colleagues as well—and I hope my next report explains how we managed to do the right thing for the college-bound today and the Illinois economy of tomorrow.
16 September 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
As part of the federal economic stimulus package, Congress approved the creation of a new program in the U. S. Department of Education. Race to the Top will offer $4.5 billion in competitive grants, and it’s expected that fewer than 15 states will share in the winnings.
While not all the states are rising to the challenge, Governor Quinn has said that Illinois will compete and the state Superintendent of Education seconds the motion. Successful states will have to show progress in four areas: 1) strong student assessments and standards; 2) data systems that back up instruction; 3) quality teachers and school leaders; and 4) effective intervention in failing schools.
Illinois is on track in some of these areas. In others, most agree, some additional work could significantly improve our competitive ranking.
Illinois standards stack up well against those of our sister states. We’re a leader in a consortium developing assessments and standards that professionals regard as reliable and effective.
This session the legislature passed and the governor signed a measure that will collect student data over time. What better way to find out how effective our instructional programs are than to find out how well our students are learning one year after another? The state legislature appropriated funds to implement data collection, and we’ve won a $9 million federal grant that will also help.
On quality issues, we’re making progress. We’ve strengthened principal evaluation programs. We’re working with several well-regarded national organizations to revamp teacher preparation and evaluation programs and to develop effective ways to mentor new teachers. But we have no mechanisms in place to make sure that the very best teachers are shared with low-performing schools and we fall short in providing alternate mechanisms for teacher certification.
Illinois has several programs in place to help failing schools. We offer comprehensive improvement planning to low-performing schools. We’ve increased the number of charter schools that may do business in the state, and we do a pretty good job of checking the effectiveness of the charters we have. One of my bills this session created the Innovation, Intervention and Restructuring Task Force to work with educators, parents, civic, business and child advocacy organizations in the effort to find ways to turn our failing schools around. But we should further strengthen the state’s ability to intervene in low-performing schools and beef up the support we provide them.
So what exactly should Illinois do? And when shall we do it? The state Superintendent, Chris Koch, is setting up several conference calls this month with all the interested parties—lawmakers, teachers, advocates, parents. I’ll be on the line.
Perhaps in these discussions we can forge consensus about the steps we should take. The legislature returns to Springfield in October for the fall veto session. If we can decide on the steps, October is not a moment too soon to take the first of them. The initial application deadline for Race to the Top funding arrives before the beginning of next year—and our kids have a lot at stake.
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8 September 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
If you’ve been convicted of a felony, it’s tough to find work in Illinois even after you’ve paid your debt to society. Many occupations are off limits. And what’s the effect? People who can’t find jobs after they leave prison are much more likely to find themselves in trouble with the law a second time. It also seems unfair. If you’ve met the terms of your sentence, shouldn’t you have a chance at a clean slate?
I worked with Michael Sweig of the Safer Foundation and state Senator Kwame Raoul to provide some relief. Our measure does three things.
First, it expands the number of crimes for which a felon can get a Certificate of Relief from Disabilities, which would help the individual earn a particular occupational license, or a Certificate of Good Conduct, which would help lift barriers to employment more generally. While Class X offenses, aggravated drunk driving and aggravated domestic battery and a third felony conviction would continue to be ineligible, relief would become available for felonies that didn’t result in “great bodily harm or permanent disability.”
Second, it transfers responsibility from the state’s Prisoner Review Board to the Circuit Court that found the individual guilty in the first place. The standard the Court would use in making the determination would be the highest civil standard: clear and convincing evidence. In Court, the State’s Attorney can challenge the person with a criminal record if there is credible evidence that the person is a risk to public safety. The Certificate issued by the Court becomes a binding document, not, as it was under prior law, essentially just a letter of recommendation. Employers who rely upon a Certificate would be protected against lawsuits brought by third parties. This is important because today employers are often reluctant to hire people with criminal records, even if they’ve been granted a Certificate. As well, the Court could opt to limit the application of the Certificate. If someone’s been convicted of mortgage fraud, for example, the court might find the individual rehabilitated but nevertheless leave the decision whether to give that person a mortgage broker’s license to the appropriate occupational licensing authority.
Third, the state’s department that regulates licensing will offer free advisory opinions so people have a good idea whether a specific criminal behavior would likely bar licensure in a particular field. It doesn’t make sense to require someone to jump through all the employment hoops—the cost and the time it takes to go through training and testing—just to discover at the end of the day that the licensing department was going to use its discretion to deny the license anyway because of the criminal conviction.
The Safer Foundation, Sen. Raoul and I had a lot of help from several colleagues in clarifying the concepts behind the bill. Special thanks go to two former prosecutors who now serve with me in the House, state Reps. Chapin Rose (R-Mahomet) and Dennis Reboletti (R-Elmhurst). The Governor has offered some technical amendments to the bill. We hope the legislature will approve his changes in the October veto session. And we all hope that this measure, on becoming law, will result in many fresh starts and many fewer returns to the state correctional system.
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22 July 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
On July 15 the legislature finally passed and the Governor signed a budget for the current fiscal year. Is it a solid budget, built on strong fiscal principles? Does it, recognizing that these are tough financial times, cut spending as all of us do when resources are in short supply? Will it adequately cover the core costs of state government?
The answer to the first question is no. This budget relies heavily on borrowing and on one-time revenues. Approximately $3.5 billion, for example, is only available courtesy of short-term notes against pension obligations.
But this year’s fiscal problems are a lot worse than usual. We are in the middle of a global economic recession and almost all the states face a disjunction between revenues and spending. In Illinois, state revenues have fallen short by 25 percent.
So did we tighten our belt? You bet we did. The Governor started the budget discussions with a proposed $1 billion in cuts compared to last year’s spending. And, by the time the budget discussions were over, he was ready to pare almost $1 billion more. The $26 billion state funds budget is $3.6 billion less than general fund spending in the last fiscal year. Layoffs and furlough days are definitely in our future. Lawmakers voted to cancel our expected cost-of-living increase and we voted to take 12 furlough days ourselves.
And how did we do in terms of meeting the needs of the vulnerable, the particularly fragile populations that are our state responsibility? Not well.
Overall funding for grant programs—from early childhood education to mental health services, from truant alternatives to college financial aid—is only 86 percent of last year’s levels. And that 86 percent assumes that discretionary money allocated to the Governor with no strings attached will all be spent on direct grants and not on state operations. As well, the 86 percent is unlikely to apply across the board—some cuts will not be as severe, while others will be steeper.
On Tuesday the Illinois State Board of Education voted to slash funding for early childhood, foreign language, arts education and other critical programs.
So why did the legislature and the Governor approve a budget that will leave so many people in the lurch?
Because we didn’t have any choice. It was the only budget that could get enough votes to pass given the refusal of all Republicans and some conservative Democrats to support a temporary tax increase.
I sponsored the Governor’s proposed income tax increase in May. The measure garnered 42 votes. But it needed 60 votes to pass and would need even more now.
The votes were not there in May. They’re not there today. It’s possible they will be there in the fall, when the magnitude of the suffering the cuts have caused becomes apparent to recalcitrant lawmakers. It’s a sad comment on our society and on the state’s political culture that not enough people are ready to do the only moral thing: raise taxes.
July 15 brought us to the 15th day of the state’s new fiscal year. Lacking a budget, the state could not cut checks for state workers, for community agencies or for other suppliers of state services. We were out of time and we were out of options.
The Governor, to his credit, has vowed to keep up the pressure for new revenues between now and the time the legislature returns to work in October. I intend to support his efforts. I hope between now and then that we can change a few minds, a few hearts—and more than a few votes.
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29 June 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
I write to reiterate the concerns I shared with you in early June about the then-impending state budget crisis.
The difference between then and now is that today the crisis is upon us: the state's fiscal year begins Wednesday, July 1. State funds, no matter how far we try to stretch them, are not adequate to prevent devastating cuts in grant programs, including those that pay for foster care, mental health and substance abuse treatment, home health care for seniors, and residential care for the developmentally disabled.
How did we find ourselves in this predicament? It isn't primarily a problem of government waste and inefficiency. In fact, although Illinois is the 5th most populous state, we rank 42nd in spending. Our state workforce, on a per capita basis, is the 2nd lowest in the country. Even the Civic Federation has trouble finding significant savings in current state spending priorities.
We have reached this point in virtually the same way as has nearly every other state in the nation. We're in the midst of a global recession. As a consequence, state income and sales tax collections are coming in well below last year's levels. The Illinois deficit is at least $7 billion. Per capita, we're on a par with New York's $18 billion shortfall and California's $34 billion hole.
Democratic Governor Pat Quinn has proposed a temporary increase in the state income tax. Former Republican Governor Jim Edgar supports the plan.
I sponsored the Governor's tax hike measure. The House vote, at the end of May, came up seriously short--42 yes, with 60 needed for passage. After the midnight May 31 witching hour, even more votes--71 in the House, 36 in the Senate--are required.
There's no way the tax increase vote can happen, today, without at least one Republican supporter in the House. Democrats number just 70, with 71 the magic number. As Democrats are by no means unanimous in their support for the tax increase, the reality is that more than a single Republican vote would be needed.
But, you say, why rush to raise taxes? Shouldn't the state, like everyone else, just tighten its belt during these tough economic times?
Even with a tax hike, the state will have to find places to cut. Even with a tax hike, revenues will fall close to $1 billion short of the spending levels the Governor proposed in March. Even with a tax hike, the state will have to tighten its belt.
But a three or four percent--even a ten percent--cut is very different from the cuts these human service programs face if the tax increase is not approved. The cuts, without a tax hike, would range from 30 to 50 percent. Faced with cuts of this magnitude, how could a child care center that serves primarily low-income working families keep its lights on and its doors open? An agency serving abused and neglected youngsters? A mental health treatment program?
The legislature is in session now. It's time for us to heed the calls from Governor Quinn and former Governor Edgar. It's time for us to work in a bipartisan fashion to avoid these crippling cuts. It's time for us to stand up for the fragile and vulnerable people who rely upon these critical programs.
10 June 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
The Governor is sounding a clarion call for new revenues to meet important needs in health and human services.
He’s right.
Available state funds, stretched as far as they can go, mean devastating cuts in the grant programs that provide, among other things, help for seniors in their homes, early education programs for kids, mental health and foster care services, and financial help for those who’d hoped to head to college.
The fiscal problems Illinois faces are little different from the challenges facing our sister states across the country. We are in a deep recession, and the monies coming in don’t match the programs we’ve promised—and, in the past, funded.
I sponsored the Governor’s proposal to raise the income tax temporarily to temper the size of the cuts. His plan would have increased the individual income tax from three percent to four-and-a-half percent for the next two years. Among the states that tax income, today’s Illinois rate is the lowest. The Governor’s proposed increase would neither have significantly changed our place in line nor brought us out of line with our Midwest neighbors.
Wouldn’t a tax hike, in the midst of a recession, send the wrong message—and cause additional pain—to the citizenry?
Some important economists, including Nobel Prize winner Joseph Stiglitz, argue that public spending during bad times is exactly the right thing to do. Slashing budgets brings on even worse news for the economy. Cutting the Illinois budget, as would be required without new funding, could increase the unemployment rate by several percentage points.
It’s true no one likes to pay more in taxes. In the present environment, however, it’s the only way to prevent significant human misery. Measured against that standard, I would say that it’s the only moral choice legislators can make. And it’s fair to point out that an income tax—unlike, for example, a sales or property tax —is paid only by those with the income to pay it. To soften the blow, the measure would increase the benefit of the earned income tax credit for low-income families.
But shouldn’t the state, like everyone else, tighten its belt during these difficult times?
Even with a tax hike, the state will have to find places to cut. Even with a tax hike, revenues will fall close to $1 billion short of the spending levels the Governor proposed in March.
Let’s look again at a few of the cuts. Eighty thousand low-income working families will lose help paying the child care bill. Can they afford to stay on the job? Twenty thousand seniors will lose the services that help them stay in their homes. How does it help their sense of dignity—and the state’s bottom line—to pay more for their care in nursing homes? And nearly two hundred thousand students will lose financial aid. How will our young compete in the global economy without a college degree?
The House vote on the income tax fell seriously short—42 yes, with 60 needed for passage. After midnight May 31, even more votes—71 in the House, 36 in the Senate—are required.
The state’s new fiscal year begins in July. I’m committed to the cause, and there’s still time for the legislature to return to the state capitol. There’s still time—if there’s a will—to avoid these devastating cuts.
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2 June 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
This was the year for reform in Illinois state government, and in many areas the legislature did a lot better than most analysts reported.
The stickiest issue was the adoption of limits on campaign contributions. Reform advocacy groups, arguing that the measure was neither tough enough nor tight enough, were highly critical of the legislature’s work in this area. They certainly have a point. But even here the final legislation represents an improvement over the status quo.
Campaign limits are new territory for Illinois. The state gets high marks on its laws requiring disclosure of campaign contributions—reports must be made more frequently than in many other states and they are easily accessible. But there have never been contribution limits in Illinois.
Most reform groups identified the limits in federal law—$2,400 from an individual and $5,000 from a corporation, union or association per candidate per election cycle—as the model Illinois should emulate. But the maximum contribution set by House Bill 7, passed by both the House and Senate, is $5,000 for individuals and $10,000 for the others.
Across the states limits vary considerably; the federal limit itself changes with changes in the cost of living. I would have happily voted for the lower limit, but mine was not the majority view of the legislature. There is some evidence that lower limits favor incumbents and, for all candidates, the lower the limit the more campaign time is spent dialing for dollars.
Advocates would have liked the limitation to apply to each part of the election cycle—for individuals a $5,000 limit in the primary and another $5,000 in the general. Tying the limits to the election cycle makes contributions easier to follow. Instead the Illinois limits are tied to the calendar year, which means the maximum contribution applies each year to each candidate, whether running for a two-year or a four-year term.
Perhaps the biggest controversy has to do with limits on transfers from one political account to another. The advocacy groups would like to limit transfers, tracking the federal model, to $30,000 per election cycle. They zero in particularly on the ability of legislative leaders to fund candidate campaigns. They were, not surprisingly, dismissive of the $90,000 cap set by HB 7.
While this is certainly a high limit, it’s worth noting that many states place no restrictions on transfers from one political party committee to another. As well, House Bill 7 limits contributions to Political Action Committees (PACs), which may put the brakes on the ability of special interests to dominate election outcomes.
Other features of the bill include even more frequent reports of campaign contributions. Instead of filing twice a year, candidates and incumbents will be required to file quarterly and contributions above $500 will be subject to immediate reporting within the 60 rather than the 30 days before an election. As well, large contributions received during the final days of a legislative session will also be reported within two business days.
In no way does our final product satisfy everyone. It doesn’t fully satisfy me. But the bill does offer a starting point. It accepts the proposition, for the first time in Illinois, that campaign contribution limits are legitimate. House Bill 7 is not the final word on campaign finance reform. And the ball is back in our court: it’s up to us to track the new system to identify shortcomings—and then work together for improvements.
To that end, we’ll be holding a town hall meeting focusing on ethics reform in the coming weeks. Keep your eyes peeled and ears perked for an announcement of the time and place—and put on your thinking caps in the meantime.
20 May 2009
News from Springfield………………………………by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie
White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel famously suggested that you shouldn’t let a crisis go to waste.
We have a crisis of confidence in Illinois state government, with one recent governor serving time in a federal prison and his successor facing criminal corruption charges.
We’ve been quick to seize the moment. The Illinois House and Senate created a Joint Committee on Government Reform (I’m a member), and the Governor appointed his own Reform Commission. Topics under consideration run the gamut, from government purchasing policies to the revolving door between public service and the private sector, from reform of the state’s five pension systems to greater openness in the state’s freedom of information laws.
Campaign finance reform is a particularly hot topic. Illinois is one of only a handful of states with no campaign contribution restrictions. It’s worth noting, however, that limits vary considerably, from $2,000 to more than $25,000. As well, some states limit contributions from some sources but not from others—-corporate and labor contributions may be capped, but not those from individuals or political action committees. Iowa, for example, bans corporate campaign contributions but puts no limit on contributions from individuals, political parties, labor unions and political action committees.
The most commonly proposed limit for Illinois is $2,400, which would track current federal restrictions. State Senate Minority Leader Christine Radogno, R-Lemont, proposes a $10,000 cap. Personally I would be quite comfortable with the lower limit.
I do believe the legislature will--and should--rein in campaign contributions. But there are some gray areas. Self-funded candidates and outside advocacy organizations are flies in the campaign finance ointment. The Supreme Court has said we can’t limit contributions from a candidate to his or her own campaign as there’s nothing potentially corrupting in that transaction. Self-funded candidates, of course, don’t always carry the day—just ask perennial and unsuccessful candidate James Oberweis. Blair Hull, on the other hand, looked a likely winner in the United States Senate primary in 2004 until last-minute reports of domestic violence tripped him up.
Outside advocacy groups are more troubling. You’ll remember the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, whose ads may have cost John Kerry the presidency. The Supreme Court has held that contributions from advocacy groups can’t be limited as long as they neither coordinate with a candidate’s campaign nor name the candidate of their choice. One might think that advocacy groups cancel each other out. They don’t. The insurance industry is in a lot better position to finance an issue campaign than are the ordinary people who support consumer rights.
The Court should reconsider this issue. If direct contributions to a candidate campaign can be limited, contributions that indirectly support that candidate should be subject to limits as well.
While we wait for the Court to reverse course, I’m prepared to risk the occasional millionaire or well-funded advocacy organization on the campaign trail. The perception that unlimited campaign spending corrupts the system is a perception that itself undermines trust in government. I’m prepared to vote to limit campaign contributions—and I’d be up for a strong dose of public financing as well.
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We’ve been hard at work in Springfield over the past few months, and I’m pleased to tell you about a few of my bills that passed the House and await action in the Senate.
One is the Illinois Privacy Act. This measure intends to make sure that the information state government has about you isn’t shared with me – or anyone else. Given increasingly sophisticated technology, now is an especially important time to protect our personal information. House Bill 4088 sets strict limits on how government stores and disseminates records and it would allow us to inspect and correct any documents that the state has about us.
Sometimes something good comes out of tragedy. The Crime Victims Compensation Act was enacted to help out victims of violent crimes and their families. But the Act doesn’t cover everybody. When three of our neighbors fell victims to a hit-and-run driver, the family was denied compensation under the Act. They weren’t eligible for counseling, though a child – badly injured himself – watched his brother die even as the driver fled. My amendment to fix the act has passed the House.
I’m also working hard to make sure that everyone gets treated fairly in the workplace. Equal pay for equal work should be a fundamental right. That’s why I introduced an amendment to the Equal Pay Act of 2003 which gives employees greater opportunities and more time to file claims based on gender discrimination. If the bill becomes law, the Lilly Ledbetters of the world can expect a fair shake in Illinois.
As a member of the legislature’s Joint Committee on Government Reform, I can assure you that more is in the works: reforms to our state procurement procedures, greater access to public records and an improved governmental ethics act will shortly see the light of day.
To see details on these bills and others, visit the General Assembly’s website – www.ilga.gov. You can look up pending legislation by sponsor, by bill number and by subject matter. Track a bill’s progress: Did it pass both houses? Did the Governor sign it? Did I vote your way – or not?
29 January 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
Getting from anywhere in downtown Washington to the Mall Tuesday morning, January 20, 2009 meant confronting an obstacle course. The streets were jammed and the intersections were impassable. At each foot another hawker: Every possible image of the President, of his wife Michelle, and his daughters Malia and Sasha was displayed on every possible surface. Want a blanket? A photograph? A poster? A cap? A tee shirt? A sweatshirt? A placard? A mug?
Yours for a price. Just be sure you stop long enough to buy.
And they did.
It was difficult to steer a course to the entry points—and then to find the appropriate color-coded security line. People stood for long hours in Yellow, Orange, Blue, Purple, Green and Silver lines. The signage was poor: some discovered that line they thought was for Yellow ticketholders was in fact for Orange.
So start over.
But it was worth the wait.
My son and I were in Yellow. We couldn’t quite see the platform. The jumbotron to the left was obscured by tree branches and the one on the right by a stalwart, stationary, military chap with USHER plastered on his sleeve.
Did it matter? Not a bit. We were thrilled to be there as history was made. We heard an amazing inaugural address from our own neighbor, President Barack Obama.
We’re still pinching ourselves to make sure it’s true.
And it is.
From his first moments as President, he set the nation to the task of undoing the extraordinary damage wrought at home and abroad over the last eight years. So much is in need of repair, from our transportation infrastructure to our image overseas, from respect for the rule of law to respect for the Constitution.
Like an ocean liner, the country won’t turn on a dime.
But isn’t it nice to know that one of our own is the captain of the ship?
Barack Obama, President of the United States of America!
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2 January 2009
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
It isn’t news that home foreclosures are on the upswing. Families of every economic description are at risk, and boarded up homes blot the landscape.
At the urging of state Attorney General Lisa Madigan, the state Senate has passed a bill that would give homeowners a chance to take a breath before they’re tossed out of their homes.
The idea is to provide a 90-day moratorium for owners that work with counselors to propose an acceptable payment plan. The legislation would require mortgage holders to notify homeowners who are 30 days delinquent; give them an additional 30 days to work with reputable counseling services to find a way out; and give them an additional 30 days to figure out whether they can find a reasonable payment plan.
Even with this grace period, there will be some homeowners who won’t be able to make the grade. But many will. And to encourage lenders to work with mortgage holders has to be a plus:
How does it benefit the mortgage holder to add one more empty home, with declining resale value, to its portfolio?
How does it benefit the neighborhood to have one more dilapidated house on the block?
And how does it help the hapless homeowner, who might have been able to make it, to cut him or her off too soon?
The House will have an opportunity to vote on this important legislation when we return to Springfield in the early part of January.
I know that state legislation will not be enough, on its own, to fix the problems of the sub-prime housing market. For one thing, our measures apply only to state-chartered financial institutions. We are hopeful that new federal leadership will deal with the housing crisis as part of a comprehensive approach to the extreme financial difficulties wracking the nation.
But we in Illinois can do our part. And we must. I hope the members of the House agree with the Senate and vote to support the measure.
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19 December 2008
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
While state government is in some degree of disarray and an Illinois House Committee considers whether the Governor should be impeached, nevertheless issues don't go away. Following is a column about the Redeploy Illinois program that takes aim at getting troubled youth the help they need.
Five years ago the state embarked upon a program meant to divert non-violent youth offenders from costly state facilities to more effective programs in the community. Modeled after a successful Ohio initiative, the hope was that we would save money overall and increase the chances that troubled youth would get the help they need to stay out of trouble.
Before Redeploy Illinois, the economic incentives were perverse. If a county sent a youngster to the state Department of Juvenile Justice the state picked up the tab—more than $70,000 per year per child. If a county kept the child at home and offered counseling and other services—at a cost that averages approximately $5,000—the county picked up the bill.
So the point of Redeploy was to change the incentive. Counties that chose to participate—and offered quality programs—would be reimbursed for their costs of treatment.
The program is still relatively new, so we can’t provide a full set of statistics to attest to its success. But we do know that commitments to the Department have decreased considerably in the pilot sites—in St. Clair County, for example, commitments to the Department went from more than 60 on average to only ten in the most recent program year.
And we don’t yet have definitive numbers comparing repeat offenses between the Redeploy and the incarcerated youngsters. But the early evidence is very promising and, as expected, the youngsters in community programs seem far less likely to get in further trouble with the law.
This fall, during the veto session, I sponsored legislation to make Redeploy Illinois one of our permanent policy initiatives. The legislation passed the House unanimously. The Senate will reconvene the veto session on January 12, and I have every reason to hope that the Senate will give the bill its final approval.
In my view, helping make sure kids stay out of trouble should be one of our highest priorities. That the program may actually save taxpayers a lot of money is another good reason to make this program permanent.
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1 December 2008
News from Springfield..................by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25)
From time to time, most of us have complained about the Electoral College.
It gives too much weight to small states. While each state is allotted the number of electoral votes that, initially, correspond to its number of congressional seats—a number based on population—each state is then allotted two extra, reflecting that each state gets two United States Senators. Of course states with little population get those two extra votes, just like California, even though California has more than 36 million people.
It can and has happened that the winner of the Electoral College is not the winner of the popular vote. Even as recently as the 2000 election, the winner of the Electoral College vote, Governor George W. Bush, lost the popular vote to Vice President Al Gore.
Part of the reason for the creation of the Electoral College in the first place was that, in the horse and buggy era, most voters likely wouldn’t know enough about the candidates to make an informed choice. The founders didn’t anticipate the era of national media, 60-second campaign television ads and the internet.
Many consider it a major flaw that electors don’t even have to vote for the candidate who won their state. The prospect of ‘faithless’ electors sends chills down the democratic spine
So why not change the United States Constitution? Why not abolish the Electoral College?
I’m all for it, but here’s what’s in the way.
Constitutional amendments need extraordinary majority votes in both the United States House and Senate. It’s the Senate that’s the rub. The small states have an edge comparable to their Electoral College edge in the Senate. Each state has two Senators, no matter how sparse the population. The small states are not about to give up their undue influence in the College, and there are enough small states to keep abolition of the College off the table.
So we’re stuck with the Electoral College, at least for the moment.
But this year I don’t mind as much as usual.
This year I’m an Elector.
I’ll cast my ballot in Springfield on December 14 for the next President of the United States, Barack Obama.
It’s always an honor and a thrill to vote for Barack Obama. But it’s a very special honor and thrill to cast the final vote, the vote ordained by the Constitution, the vote hat sends him into the White House.
Godspeed, Barack. And thank you.
18 April 2008
News from Springfield………………by State Rep. Barbara Flynn Currie
The Illinois House of Representatives recently approved a constitutional amendment giving voters the opportunity to recall state lawmakers and executive officers. Here’s what I had to say:
Recall is seductive, and its rhetoric powerful. Let the people speak, hold politicians accountable 365 days a year.
But its promise is deceptive.
Recalls don’t happen in a political vacuum. Voters across the state don’t wake up one morning and say let’s dump old so-and-so. Recalls happen when the losing political party takes to the warpath. Recalls happen when deep-pocket special interests and multimillionaires pay to collect the signatures. Darryl Issa, a wealthy California congressman, decided to mount a recall campaign against the California governor. He did it, for $1.5 million.
Recall is explicitly about empowering the people who lost and the party that lost, the political minority. It’s a direct assault on our majoritarian system and raises the specter of a permanent election cycle. Recall gives the losers a second, a third, and a fourth bite at the apple. Where’s the sense in that?
Recall encourages governance by public opinion poll. Don’t we already complain that our leaders lack backbone? Why would we want to make it even less likely that public officials will follow conscience and constitution? Why push them into an even greater dependence on the whims of a changeable majority? Well, you may say, recall doesn’t happen all that often. But the threat of recall is always there. Just ask the subjects of California recall efforts, Governors Ronald Reagan, Pat Brown, Pete Wilson and Jerry Brown.
Who gets recalled? I’ll tell you who: the official who ordered the municipal swimming pool desegregated; the lawmaker who stood up for minority rights, especially when that minority is feared or despised by the majority. Alexander Hamilton put it like this: “The recall will render the senator a slave to all the capricious humors among the people.”
Why is there a sudden and overwhelming need to end a term in the middle? The election cycles that are the subject of this recall amendment are short. We don’t enjoy life appointments. Not even the six-year term of a United States Senator. No. Our terms are for two years or four, not a moment longer.
And there’s a perfectly good mechanism under our constitution to send us packing if the circumstances warrant. It’s called impeachment. If we betray the public trust, if we’re derelict in our duties, we can—and should—be impeached. But you have to have evidence to impeach. You have to charge the lawmaker or executive with—something. This recall amendment requires nothing, no statement of fault, no list of improprieties. It’s enough to recall if you don’t like the way the governor blow dries his hair or you don’t like the cut of the Attorney General’s pantsuits. Our current constitutional framework is sound. Frequent elections guarantee accountability to the electorate. Impeachment gives us a means to oust officials who’ve crossed the line. And government by public opinion poll is not good enough for the people of this state. The right vote on HJRCA 28 is a no vote.